Over the past two decades, Bangladesh has faced a fundamental question: how can a democratic state confront violent extremism while at the same time safeguarding democracy itself?
During the tenure of the previous Awami League government, there were allegations that genuine security concerns were, in many instances, used to justify action against political opponents. Human rights organisations also repeatedly accused the authorities of arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances and the misuse of security laws.
However, correcting past abuses should never mean accepting violent extremism as normal. Equally, it is wrong to equate political dissent with armed militancy. More recently, a worrying shift appears to be taking place. Secular voices, women’s fundamental freedoms and freedom of expression increasingly seem to be left to defend themselves, while individuals associated with extremist violence are receiving unexpected sympathy and organised support.
In recent months, law enforcement agencies have recovered improvised explosive devices (IEDs) and bomb-making materials from several locations across Dhaka. Police Headquarters has warned of the possibility of militant attacks. Counter-terrorism units have also received intelligence suggesting that extremist networks are attempting to reactivate, recruiting new members through online platforms. In addition, several individuals have reportedly been arrested over alleged links with Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). This is not merely an external concern. Rumours that some former militants were released during the recent political transition have added to public anxiety. Experience suggests that extremist organisations often remain dormant, waiting for favourable circumstances before exploiting weaknesses in state institutions.
Unsurprisingly, the international community is closely monitoring developments in Bangladesh. Several foreign embassies have updated their travel advisories, while international research organisations have argued that extremist groups are seeking to exploit the political vacuum created following the fall of the Awami League government. It would be unwise to accept every such assessment uncritically. Equally, dismissing them as irrational fears of outsiders would also be a mistake. Instead, they should encourage serious domestic reflection.
At the same time, another troubling picture is emerging on Bangladesh’s streets, where growing intolerance appears to be affecting ordinary citizens most.
The case of Beauty Rani Pal, head teacher of a primary school in Sylhet, illustrates this trend. She posted a simple video on social media featuring herself dancing to a classic Bengali song. The post was followed by a coordinated campaign of online harassment, moral policing and abusive criticism. Although she later received support from many people, the incident highlighted how easily women in Bangladesh can become targets of intimidation and social pressure.
Perhaps the greatest irony lies here. A woman faces widespread condemnation for posting a harmless dance video, while campaigns seeking impunity for a fugitive convicted in multiple murder cases appear to enjoy institutional support. A schoolteacher is threatened for expressing personal joy, yet individuals linked to violent extremism are increasingly finding public defenders. Some have even attempted to portray them as victims of political persecution. This inversion of public priorities should concern everyone.
None of this, however, absolves previous governments of responsibility. The Awami League administration has been accused of failing to distinguish consistently between genuine militants and political opponents. Allegations of enforced disappearances and opaque investigations have also undermined the credibility of counter-terrorism efforts.
Democracy survives only when principles are applied consistently. If politically motivated prosecutions are wrong, then selective sympathy for individuals involved in ideologically motivated killings is equally wrong. Freedom of expression must apply to everyone. Secular writers, teachers, artists, bloggers and members of religious minorities must enjoy the same protection. Bangladesh’s Constitution is founded upon democracy, pluralism and secularism. This does not imply hostility towards religion. Rather, it represents a commitment to ensuring equal rights for all citizens regardless of faith or ethnicity. Violent extremism directly attacks these constitutional principles.
Bangladesh now stands at an important crossroads. It can build a mature democratic consensus that firmly protects the rights and freedoms of its citizens while refusing to compromise with anyone who promotes or endorses political violence.
That process must begin with intellectual honesty. Every allegation should be supported by evidence. Every accused person deserves due process under the law. Every government must remain accountable to the people. At the same time, society must resist the tendency to glorify individuals associated with movements that have targeted writers, intellectuals and religious minorities.
Bangladesh’s future cannot be secured simply by imprisoning terrorists. Nor can a safe future be built by ignoring or concealing past abuses of state power. The country’s future will be secure only if it protects the constitutional rights and freedoms of all citizens while resolutely confronting those who seek to destroy them.
History teaches us that democracies rarely collapse overnight. They erode gradually. When fear silences public voices, moderates retreat into silence, intolerance becomes normalised and extremism begins to gain social acceptance, the foundations of democracy begin to weaken.
